Thursday, February 20, 2014

My Minimum Wage Skepticism

I'm not an economist. My preference for free markets is based on a lot of reading, but I'm not a quant guy and I'm not going to pretend I can predict what exactly will happen if the minimum wage is increased to $10.10 per hour.

But if we go on the CBO projection, these things should happen (via Josh Barro):

CBO estimates the proposal (raising the minimum wage from $7.25 to $10.10) would:
  1. Raise wages for 16 million workers making under $10.10 and millions more making slightly above that,
  2. Increase family income by $2 billion overall and $17 billion for people earning less than three times the poverty line (about $72,000 for a family of four),
  3. Lift 900,000 people out of poverty, and
  4. Reduce employment by 500,000.
So of course our discussion is focusing around the employment number.
Another reason I like free markets is that I'm generally uneasy with directing policy to create winners and losers, so yes, I'm going to focus on the employment number.

The reason I think this is important is because certain segments of our population already suffer disproportionate unemployment. The Bureau of Labor Statistics says that in January 2014, the white unemployment rate was 5.7 percent; the Hispanic rate was 8.4 percent; and black unemployment was 12.1 percent. Blacks have had double digit unemployment every month since July 2008, and Hispanics had double digit unemployment for 45 out of the 46 months between January 2009 and October 2012.  White people, on the other hand, haven't been in double-digit unemployment during any point in or since the Great Recession.

This isn't to say there should be more whites unemployed or that we should enact policies to even this out--just that, when economic crunches happen, they hurt blacks and Latinos more. So when we're talking about a net loss of half a million jobs, and those losses can predictably (but not certainly) fall disproportionately on minorities already suffering from higher unemployment, I think it's OK to ask whether it's fair to help a lot of people at their expense thereby widening the gap in inequality.

It's a value judgment, and my value system favors more employment rather than less and not implementing policies that further punish the already disadvantaged, when at all possible. Good people can think the gain for the people who will benefit outweighs the suffering of others, if only because it helps more people than it hurts, but I'm not one of them. Whether it is race or gender or whatever, manipulating free exchange of labor destroys economic opportunities, most likely for those whom society has already marginalized.

 There are a lot of things we can do to half a million people that would make lives better for many others, but that doesn't make it right or fair to do them.

 bellum medicamenti delenda est

Friday, January 31, 2014

Bill Maher's Noble Attempt to 'Corrupt' Democracy


According to the New York Times, longtime comedian, talk show host, and Citizens United critic Bill Maher has decided he wants to enter “into the exciting world of outright meddling with the political process.” His plan, apparently, is to pick a ridiculous member of Congress who faces a competitive race in the coming November election…and make him or her lose.

Personally, I think this may be the noblest pursuit ever undertaken by a talking head—unseating incumbent politicians is something to which all Americans can and should aspire. Mr. Maher has the cachet, financial resources, and—it’s been said—humor to literally ridicule someone out of office. Ain’t democracy grand?

The project — which the show is calling the “flip the district” campaign — is intended to get real results, said Scott Carter, the show’s executive producer. Among the criteria for selecting a representative, other than some degree of outrageousness in statements or voting record, is that the member be in a truly competitive race. Those running unopposed will not be selected, no matter how egregious the show’s fans may claim them to be.

There is one small problem, however. Mr. Maher wants to unseat this unlucky representative of the people by using his television show and stand-up act as a platform to run his anti-whomever campaign. Even though he has pledged no money or direct coordination with the challenger-beneficiary of his actions, his independent expenditures—implicitly linked to the corporation he works for, Time Warner’s HBO, by the explicit participation of his show’s executive producer and the presumed use of the show’s budget—necessarily implicate corruption.

Friday, January 24, 2014

SDNY's Judge Rakoff: 'Scrap the Sentencing Guidelines'

The Southern District of New York, a federal judicial district known for the ambition and pedigree of U.S. and Assistant U.S. Attorneys who have practiced there, is, among all courts, not one at all hostile to prosecutors. Yet, Senior SDNY Judge Jed Rakoff--himself a former prosecuting attorney in the Southern District--has written a short paper which aims to curtail the power of all federal prosecutors.

In the article---based on a speech delivered in early 2013--Judge Rakoff explains how the effort to make federal sentences less disparate and less harsh in fact developed a tool for prosecutors to ratchet up sentences and severely punish individuals for exercising their constitutional right to jury trial. If you care at all about how the federal judicial system (dys)functions, I cannot recommend this paper  (JSTOR, pdf) highly enough. It's only four pages and isn't laden with legal jargon so anyone who reads this blog should have no problems understanding it it.

Via Sentencing Law and Policy

Wednesday, January 22, 2014

Jay Smooth on Moving the Racial Conversation Forward

Yesterday, I spent too many words explaining why concentrating on individual racism, while important, obscures the larger problems with race and society. Jay Smooth just released an excellent video breaking down the same thing, much more succinctly. I highly recommend it.


bellum medicamenti delenda est

Tuesday, January 21, 2014

"Nigger" and Its Symptomatic but Minor Role in American Racism

NB: Please also see update below.

On Friday, Matt Welch tweeted out


The Independents is a show on Fox Business featuring (Lisa) Kennedy (Montgomery), of MTV fame, Matt Welch, editor in chief of Reason magazine, and Kmele Foster, entrepreneur and former chief of America’s Future Foundation, a DC-based non-profit dedicated to developing the next generation of right-of-center public policy folks.

I missed the show, but noticed Mediaite’s  Andrew Kirell picked up the segment on the use of the word “nigger” and considered Kmele’s take “thoughtful.” With all due respect to all involved, all of whom besides Kennedy I know socially or through social media, I found it anything but.

I understand the nature of TV commentary doesn’t lend itself well to nuance and thorough explanation, but I found Kmele’s explanation surprisingly vapid and devoid of evidence. 

First of all, if one chooses to talk about racism broadly, as Matt’s tweet indicated,*** whether or not white people get to use “nigger” should be well down the list of concerns. Poverty, education, incarceration, alienation, and disparate treatment in the public realm are far more important than whether white people sing along to ‘Niggas in Paris.’ Indeed, even broaching the topic because a handful of whites have had career disruptions for perceived racial transgressions—both fair and foul—is in itself myopic and inherently dismissive of the history and legacy of racism in this country. But here we are.

Here’s my transcript of the relevant parts of the segment:

Kmele: “I only [get upset when a white person says “nigger”] when the intention is there….In all seriousness, I wonder about hypersensitivity and being insensitive and if those are not two sides of the same coin and if those both can’t get us into a significant amount of trouble. We have people in this country whose careers have been ruined for using words that sound like “nigger” but have no etymological link to the word nigger. [Kennedy interjects a story about blowback after city council member laughed after using word ‘niggardly.’ Kmele continues:] And that is the hypersensitivity. I think it is indicative of the moment we find ourselves in which is a universe in which most of the racism we would have seen during the civil rights era has been extinguished. We do not find that routinely anymore. And people are, in fact, manufacturing incidents of racism on a regular basis and finding various things that outrage them, calling it ‘racist,’ and nigger is a word that is used routinely in hip-hop music, for example, and is ‘owned’ by that community”
[snip]

Matt: Could it be a sign of health that a large number of people think this word is inadvisable, it makes my ears bleed hearing it because I heard a cop growing up in my neighborhood about how he used to haul all the [niggers] back because who’s going to believe a [nigger]?”  

Kmele: “And that is awful, but no, I don’t think it’s a sign of health. I think it’s a reflection of a tremendous hypocrisy that is pervasive in our society, where I can say any number of things about race you [to Welch] simply can’t say. I can make observations you’re not allowed to make because it might jeopardize your career or any “good thinking person’s” sensibility”

At the beginning of the segment, Kmele said that a lot of people are hypertensive to perceived racism. I actually agree with this, though I think it’s wrong to be reflexively dismissive of all claims because some people overreact. (Although, I’m sure he counts me among them.) People have quick triggers for things that trip their confirmation bias—whether it’s racism, or wrongdoing by the president they oppose, or, ahem, incorrect or overwrought accusations of racism. People who like to yap online or in other public fora often get riled up when they see something that pushes their buttons. This does create an environment in which you have a lot of crying ‘wolf’ when someone seems to run too close to the line of propriety. But I think people who draw checks from Fox News probably shouldn’t be too hard on oft-hollow, reactionary, faux outrage. 

I digress.

Kmele fears that society has become hypersensitive to racism and that people are unfairly maligned for using words that aren’t even “etymologically related” to “nigger” (eg, niggardly). I don’t even have to imagine a situation when someone uses a term with tongue-in-cheek in order to skirt propriety. As a teenager, I distinctly remember playing euchre, in which if you neglect to ‘follow suit’ you’ve committed a foul and ‘reneged.’ More than a few players would jump in and yell “YOU RENIGGER!” knowing full well what they were saying. Etymologically speaking, “renege” and “nigger” aren’t related at all—and I know it may be hard to believe—but people playing cute with language don’t really give a damn about etymology. I have no opinion whatever on the city council member who got in trouble for using ‘niggardly,’ and maybe it was a media-driven overreaction, but it follows the political dust-up was an effort to glean his intent—something Kmele himself said his reaction would be based on—rather than whether the word was Latinate or Greek based. It's a nit, I know, but let's not pretend people can't use 'niggardly' to be disrespectful and cheeky either.

Continuing with the intent aspect, in one respect, I fully agree. As I’ve written before, a man can use “African-American” with every bit of scorn and resentment the utterance of “nigger” reflexively elicits. The use of “nigger” isn’t definitive but rather a possible symptom of racism. For good reasons, “nigger” has earned a special place in the American (and greater Anglophone) lexicon that society has deemed generally out of bounds for members of “outgroups”—those whom could not reasonably be construed to be the subject of the derisive term at issue themselves. If someone of stature or authority uses the term flagrantly and without regard to the public rebuke one may expect from its use, an assumption of racial insensitivity should be expected and possible animus may be inferred.

The context of the conversation I was describing in the link above: a not-long retired police officer I’d just met told me, point blank, that he and his colleagues would likely rough up any “African-American,” innocent or not, who refused an unwarranted search of his person. That he wanted to use “nigger” until he was told of my racial background is telling: out of misplaced respect for my heritage he wouldn’t use “nigger,” but had no qualms telling me he’d beat me up if I were darker and refused his unconstitutional demands. That he would assume such language and behavior would be considered at all acceptable to me having just met me is indicative of the patent disregard he has for black people and why it may, in fact, be important that society now checks people who blithely use “nigger” in ‘polite’ conversation.

This, of course, takes us to Matt’s interjection about cringing about his experience with police treatment of blacks when he was growing up. Matt, like me, is in the age cohort sometimes referred to as Generation X—though there are a few years between us. We grew up in the Cold War and after the Civil Rights Movement had petered out from its prominence in the late 1960s. We didn’t grow up under Jim Crow and never saw the Klan inflict political violence against black folks. Lynchings have long been a relic of the past and we can all agree that sort of racism is, largely, behind us. But, as my friend Jamelle Bouie put it yesterday, the Civil Rights Movement wasn’t about bus seats and drinking fountains, it was a system of oppression that blacks in the United States had suffered under since the nation’s inception. Police abuse was part and parcel of that system, and we have empirical evidence that a substantial amount of it continues to this day.

New York City’s ‘Stop and Frisk’ program is an anti-gun measure in which police are to invoke so-called Terry stops, named for the decision in Terry v. Ohio 392 U.S.1 (1964), in which police officers were explicitly granted the power to “frisk” people they “reasonably suspected” to be engaging or about to engage in criminal behavior. This was “for the protection of [the officer] and others in the area to conduct a carefully limited search of the outer clothing of such persons in an attempt to discover weapons which might be used to assault him.” While a “search” under the Fourth Amendment, a ‘frisk’ for weapons is distinct from a full search of a suspect after arrest, but it still must be “reasonable.”

In a footnote of that that opinion, Chief Justice Warren wrote: 

“The President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice found that ‘in many communities, field interrogations are a major source of friction between the police and minority groups.’ It was reported that the friction caused by ‘misuse of field interrogations’ increases ‘as more police departments adopt ‘aggressive patrol’ in which officers are encouraged routinely to stop and question persons on the street who are unknown to them, who are suspicious, or whose purpose for being abroad is not really evident.’ While frequency with which ‘frisking’ forms a part of field interrogation practice varies tremendously with locale, and the particular officer, it cannot help but be a severely exacerbating factor in police-community tensions. This is particularly true where the “stop and frisk” of youths or minority group members is ‘motivated by the officers’ perceived need to maintain the power image of the beat officer, and aim sometimes accomplished by humiliating anyone who attempts to undermine police control of the streets.’” Terry v. Ohio, 392 U.S. 1,(1964) fn 11, at 15, internal citations omitted, emphasis added. 

Sound familiar? That's Civil Rights Era Supreme Court Justice talking about Civil Rights Era police procedure, abuse, and consequent marginalization of communities. Over four million stops under NYPD’s ‘Stop and Frisk’ program since 2002, a majority of whom were young and black or Latino, and nearly 90 percent were innocent of any crime or outstanding charge, with, according to Mayor Bloomberg himself, roughly 8,000 guns recovered—a whopping 0.2% of stops. Either the NYPD has no idea what a “reasonable” suspicion is or they’re effectively suspending Fourth Amendment protections for black and brown people at their whim. 

Chief Justice Warren writes, “[I]t is simply fantastic to urge that such a procedure performed in public by a policeman while the citizen stands helpless, perhaps facing a wall with his hands raised, is a ‘petty indignity.’ It is a serious intrusion into the sanctity of the person, which may inflict great indignity and rouse strong resentment, and it is not to be undertaken lightly.” (Terry, at 16-17.) I’ll get more into Terry in another post, but Kmele’s assertion that most of the racism from the 1960s has been “extinguished” willfully glosses over the legacy of the racism which remains. To say we don’t find it routinely is patently absurd because, in the NYPD and elsewhere, it IS THE ROUTINE, whether or not ‘nigger’ ever escapes the cops’ mouths. (Even it did, who’d believe the nigger anyway?) 

Asserting that police have shed their history of exploiting and targeting blacks and other minorities is entirely based on faith. It may or may not be true on the whole—in fact, I don’t think it’s unreasonable to say police are, on net, less racist than they were 50 years ago—but to say it’s been effectively ‘extinguished’ has no provable basis. Beyond New York, other arrest, sentencing, and incarceration data indicate there are racist legacies throughout the criminal justice system all over the country. Add to this the pressure of plea bargaining, the secretive, retributive nature of policing, criminal conspiracies among cops that often target minorities, and the public reassurances by people like Kmele that racism is so very rare, you have layers of built-in protections that can be used against the most honest and forthright claims of racism. The aggregate criminal justice data, anecdotal evidence, and lengthy history of racism in this country--save a magical date or time at which people in authority stopped being racist I'm not aware of--doesn't support, for me anyway, 'clearly not racist' as a default position.

Given the complications of prejudice and the human mind, and our nation’s inescapable racial history, it’s impossible to say ‘how racist’ police or other institutions still are in this country, but the hypocrisy lies not in whether we are too hard on whites for ‘racial observations’ people like Kmele can make. Rather, it’s that we allow those assertions to go unchallenged depending on what color the person who makes them is.

Shifting cultural norms is how civil society changes itself. That individuals lose TV shows or suffer professional consequences when they express ideas deemed abhorrent or anathema to what society deems appropriate is how civil society is supposed to work. I, for one, am glad American society has gotten to the point where racism--especially among those in authority--is talked about and condemned, instead of ignored and brushed aside as it has been since the Founding.

bellum medicamenti delenda est 

 ***UPDATE: Kmele reached out to me to mention I should have watched the whole show before judging because they did tackle some issues, such as Stop and Frisk and Immigration. I saw the other two clips on the website, one entitled "When does a joke go too far?" which holds absolutely no interest for me, and the other "Is ObamaCare a racist term?" It turns out that was probably more a function of SEO than an adequate descriptor of the segment--as the hosts explain their (noble) reasons for dedicating a show to race. Unfortunately, for those of us unable to watch the show in its entirety, the online clip, available here, is partial and cuts off as the debate gets interesting. I'll poke around for a full cut of the show and update as appropriate.

From what (admittedly little) I've been able to watch, this seems more like good idea, bad execution, not unlike Rand Paul's Howard speech. I think the hosts, whether we agree or disagree, approached the topic in good faith. But the clips available don't paint the best picture of the crux of the debate and tackle primarily the trappings of racism instead of why it's actually a problem of public policy. -JPB

Thursday, January 16, 2014

Recognizing Power Structures is Not in Tension with Individual Liberty

Individual liberty is perhaps the most fundamental value I hold dear. Intelligent, well-meaning people may disagree, but I wanted to make my priors clear at the outset. However, I also am aware that--particularly this country, but certainly over the course of world history--power structures often punish or reward people based on issues such as class, race, gender, religion, sexuality, or whatever. This seems to me quite obvious and beyond reasonable debate.

Over at the Foundation for Economic Education website, however, two libertarians--Cathy Reisenwitz and Julie Borowski-- debate whether libertarians should be more aware of "privilege" or if they should stick to protecting individual rights. It is completely unclear to me why the two are necessarily in tension, but having had my share of arguments with dogmatic libertarians who chafe at considering race or privilege, I suppose it is an argument worth examining.

Privilege, as it is commonly used today, is shorthand for the benefit an individual or group of people holds in contrast to another individual or group of people, particularly in relation to class, race, and the other categories I named above. This is a particularly salient topic when dealing with the abuses of state power. As Ms. Reisenwitz describes in her essay, statistics clearly bear out racial disparities in the criminal justice system and laws still on the books discriminate against people of different national origin or sexual orientation. Government uses differences, real and imagined, to punish individuals for nothing more than who they are or are perceived to be.

Ms. Borowski's position is one I've heard many times before, in various iterations, but it's less a cogent argument than it is a forceful restatement of priors to rationalize ignoring the world as it exists. Sure, it would be great if we were all judged as individuals and not by race or gender or whatever arbitrary assignment those in power would like to punish or diminish, but throughout history, people have been sorted into groups and those in power often exploit marginal or otherwise detested groups when they get the opportunity. To say otherwise is to say that six million Jews just happened to have been gassed in the Holocaust or several million black people just happened to be enslaved for a few hundred years in North America.

The crux of Ms. Borowski's argument is this, and I quote:

These are not white people issues. These are not black people issues. These are not rich people issues. These are not poor people issues. These are human issues.
Ah, but when laws and customs skew against certain humans on a regular and systematic basis, her argument is essentially, 'Race is a collectivist construct! LIBERTY! SMASH!'

I get that libertarians are uncomfortable dealing with privilege because it's not something that is confined to government action. People who were humiliated and beaten for sitting in at segregated lunch counters were not attacked by the state--they were attacked by other private citizens in an effort to maintain their own social status. Such events are much rarer today, granted, but let's not forget that government is often a tool of the majority against the rights of the minority in innumerable settings. Dismissing this with atomistic claptrap is fine for a libertarian summer seminar, but is useless and, frankly, childish when discussing the real-world impact of public policy.

To wit, privilege is what blinded people to the explosion of the militarism of our police forces and the growing problem of overcriminalization in our legal and regulatory codes. When black and brown people were thrown up against the wall in the inner cities or having their homes broken into by militarily armed police on drug missions, many people--of all colors--thought it was a good thing. Because drug dealers were demonized and kept on the margins of society, massive amounts of tax money fueled a war on a segment of the American people by the government, and the privileged folks who didn't have to suffer such treatment were fine with it. Now, as it spills into everyone else's life because our prisons are overflowing and our budgets are being stretched thin, NOW people are thinking "Hey, maybe this wasn't such a good idea after all!" and "Why does Lafayette, Indiana need an armored personnel carrier?" That is privilege blindness, and it has multiple applications in many aspects of society.

'Privilege vs. Individual Rights' is a false dichotomy that masks the fact libertarianism doesn't always have the answers for society's ills, especially when they're not solely government caused. 'Recognizing privilege' is understanding power dynamics and how the world works; rejecting it for some ethereal ideal of the individual is ahistoric, self-marginalizing nonsense.

Check yourselves, libertarians.

bellum medicamenti delenda est




Friday, January 3, 2014

David Brooks's Flaccid Defense of Drug Prohibition

Most talking heads who are willing to go on record against drug legalization are deeply invested in preserving it--either to maintain their antiquated view of 'law and order,' or because they hold the singular belief that drugs are evil and invariably rot the human soul. Neither of these can possibly justify the punitive structure of our drug laws, let alone the United States' criminal justice leviathan, but such arguments, while misguided, at least approach the issue from principle.

Today, however, the New York Times's David Brooks finds a third way--a stunningly flaccid defense of the status quo. In my years of arguing against drug prohibition, I cannot recall a less-inspired, more ineffectual, and heartless piece of writing against my position. To say this column was phoned in insults the effort it takes to pick up a phone, find stored contact information, and press send.

Missing among the 803 words used to defend impotently mutter his position were: "criminal," "arrest," "incarceration," "jail," "prison," "misdemeanor," or "felony." (Note also that the piece is utterly devoid of conviction in any sense of the word.) To completely ignore the criminal implications of our current laws is even more dishonest than the mealy mouthed nonsense that usually comes from the ONDCP. The state of American criminal justice has even forced them, the federal government's anti-drug mouthpiece, to acknowledge that criminalization has had devastating unintended consequences and that, as a result, their tactics must change (if only rhetorically). Brooks, apparently, could not muster even that much honesty.

For shame.

bellum medicamenti delenda est